Nutritional Anthropology

The Bond Effect
The science and art of living the way nature intended

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DEADLY HARVEST
The Intimate Relationship

Between Our Health & Our Food

GEOFF BOND

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Nutritional Anthropology's Bible:

DEADLY HARVEST

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Geoff Bond


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 8. The Savanna Model Lifestyle

We have seen how our ancient environment conditioned our bodies—and our very natures—for life on the savannas of east Africa. We called this lifestyle the “Savanna Model” and outlined how our ancient ancestors fed themselves for thousands of generations. Now, we look at aspects of the Savanna Model lifestyle: physical activity, social well-being, and living arrangements. Our modern lives, in all their aspects, are at variance with the way nature designed us for life. The Bond Effect is learning to live in harmony with the way nature intended. This manner of looking at who we really are elegantly resolves many enigmatic lifestyle questions. It cuts through much humbug to reveal fundamental, if uncomfortable, truths.

PHYSICAL ACTIVITY
Over the millions of years of evolution, what were the patterns of physical activity practiced by our species? What will that tell us about the amount of exercise we should be getting today? Surprisingly, we can work out a lot about the physical activity of our Pleistocene ancestors. We know how they must have foraged for food, how far they traveled, how fast, and even their muscular development. Our study of contemporary forager tribes like the San shows how they organize themselves on a daily basis.

A typical African Pleistocene group would camp in one place for a few days and then move on to make another camp 10 to 20 miles away. They carried very little with them, but they still had to walk all the way. They moved, not for the fun of it, but because they had to. The terrain was open, savanna-type grassland.  

While camped each day, the group would split up to forage for food. The women, children, and old men went off in one party, foraging for roots, fruits, tubers, berries, and easily caught bugs and animals. This party on average covered about 5 miles, they leisurely walked and rested from time to time, and after about 4–5 hours they were done. It is estimated that the average adult female energy expenditure on physical activity was 600 kilocalories (kcal) per day. This compares to 230 kcal for today’s sedentary female office worker.

The able-bodied men went off chiefly looking for small game, but would

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also be collecting other edible matter on an opportunistic basis. This party would cover more ground during the day—9 to 12 miles on average. Part of the time, they would be running or jogging, to chase and trail potential game. Most of the time, they would be finished after about 4–5 hours. Less frequently, they might be away for as much as 48 hours, tracking a wounded animal. It is estimated that their daily expenditure of energy was over 1,000 kcal. Compare this to the 306 kcal of the average sedentary male office worker.

There are therefore two patterns, one for each gender. Females would pass their lives exercising to a moderate extent and with low intensity. Males started their lives with the female pattern, graduated to the male pattern (vigorous and more sustained physical activity) for most of their lives, and then tapered off to lesser levels again in old age.

How does this fit with what we know about human biology today? Evidence is that women do not need to exercise as long or as hard as men to maintain their health. Men need more vigorous physical activity to remain healthy. What happened to our ancestors in old age? What is striking is that old people stayed physically active until their very last days. They were athletes right to the end.

Exercise and Your Health
So, what are we to make of this? Everything we know about individuals who get this amount of physical activity demonstrates that, as a result, they have better health than they would otherwise have had. The big question is, are there any vital body functions that depend on physical activity? Studies, whether on bedridden people or on astronauts, all point to a number of conditions brought about by a lack of physical activity.
 

Bone Demineralization and Fractures. The absence of exercise is one of the factors that undermines bone health. Regular physical activity improves bone structure, volume, and its resistance to fracture. Elderly women can benefit from as little as one hour per week of low-intensity activity—a 42% lower risk of hip fracture and 33% lower risk of vertebra fracture. [1]. The rhythmic jolting associated with walking or jogging excites the bone-building cells (osteoblasts) into raising their tempo. In young people, the bone-builders work faster than the bone-strippers (osteoclasts) and their bone mass increases. Even in older people, the bone-builders will work harder and maintain pace with the bone-strippers.  

Syndrome X. Syndrome X is a metabolic disorder that represents a cocktail of “diseases of civilization” that occur simultaneously. The main conditions are high blood pressure, coronary artery disease, obesity, high cholesterol, and diabetes. They all have a common link—high insulin levels. Low exercise levels mean that more insulin has to be secreted to handle a given glucose load. The result is more insulin floating around creating mischief. Exercise is essential to maintaining optimum resistance to diabetes, obesity, hypertension, and heart disease.  

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The Process of Bone Remodeling
Our bones are continuously being broken down and rebuilt. It is estimated that our entire skeleton is completely rebuilt at least three times in a lifetime. Our bones are like a girder bridge whose struts are removed one by one and replaced. There are specialized cells that do the strut-removal called osteoclasts. The cells that put in new struts are called osteoblasts. The process is known as bone remodeling. The cells speed up or slow down in response to stress placed on the bones, various hormonal instructions, and the body’s need for calcium. Trouble occurs when struts are removed but not replaced, leading to osteoporosis. This is a dysfunction caused by many different factors, one of which is the absence of stress (such as physical activity) placed on the bones.

 • Arthritis and Joint Stiffness. Regular activity of the kind practiced by our Pleistocene ancestors encouraged cartilage maintenance, lubrication, and renewal of the wearing surfaces in joints. Dysfunctional joints are due in large part to not giving them enough to do. It is a cliché, but true: if you don’t use it, you lose it.

 Lower Leg Circulation. There is an artery that passes through the ball of the foot. As you walk or run, this artery is alternately compressed and released, and the general effect is that of a pump. Walking or running helps pump blood through the lower leg. Without it, the lower leg gets poor circulation and is prone to deep vein thrombosis. Are you one of those people who, after a little while sitting at a desk or table, find their knees jogging up and down? This, too, is a natural reflex helping to maintain lower leg circulation.

Lymphatic Circulation. As handmaiden to blood circulation, we have a secondary system of circulation known as the lymphatic system. This is responsible, in part, for transporting the products of digestion to other parts of the body, bringing immune system cells to parts of the body under attack, and flushing away debris and toxic matter. Unlike the blood, which is pumped around the body by the heart, the lymphatic system does not have a pump of its own. It relies on the general flexing of muscles to do the job. Lack of physical activity means sluggish lymphatic circulation and a host of potential maladies.

Longevity. Studies on identical twins conducted over many years have demonstrated what many people have long suspected—that physically fit people live longer. In one study, it was found that in any given period, sedentary people were 1.3 times as likely to die as the “occasional” exercisers and nearly twice as likely to die as the “conditioning” exercisers. The figures were the same

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for both men and women. The use of twins, often brought up apart, was particularly useful: it meant that genetic factors could be eliminated as possible reasons. [2]. We do not know the effect on longevity if we raised our physical activity to the level of our prehistoric ancestors, but it would no doubt be further improved.

Stress, Depression, and Mood. Physical exercise has a beneficial effect on a whole range of hormones that regulate mood. Exercise restores the way the brain chemical serotonin functions, helping to lift depression. Physical activity puts a brake on the production of stress hormones (such as cortisol and adrenaline), which calms feelings of panic and stress and reduces damaging insulin production. Finally, endurance athletes can reach a “high,” where their bodies are producing morphine-like substances, giving them a tremendous feeling of well-being.

Physical activity is not an option but a necessity. Our bodies are shaped by our ancestral environment and their proper functioning relies on a particular kind and amount of exercise. Without it, the rest of the body’s systems cannot work properly.

SOCIAL WELL-BEING AND THE IDEA OF HUMAN NATURE
The way we live our lives today puts us under tremendous psychological pressure. In a great many ways, our savanna-bred natures are not made for modern, industrialized society. In the rest of this chapter, we bring forward new ways of thinking about what it means to be human in terms of our social environment. Some of these ideas might seem surprising: rather like going round the back of a Wild West film set and discovering that the saloon is just a plywood facade held up by ropes and stays.

Bear in mind that we are talking about the deep undercurrents in human nature. The purpose of the rest of this chapter is to make you aware of our deeply buried instincts. You will see how our choices, often made with the best of intentions, sometimes run counter to these savanna-bred instincts. However, bear in mind that all social interactions are highly complicated affairs: we are constantly balancing a Pandora’s box of conflicting desires, postponed gratification, calculation, and social conformity. The insights in this chapter will help you make better choices within the framework of this rich and challenging context.

The social sciences deal with the social and cultural aspects of human behavior. Regrettably, these sciences were hijacked in the early part of the 20th century by academic theorists such as the German-born American anthropologist Franz Boas. They built on the romantic notions of the 18th-century French philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who asserted, without any evidence, that man is good by nature but has been corrupted by society and civilization. If only, stated Rousseau, we could return to the state of the “Noble Savage,” we would

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all live happily ever after. Boas went further and asserted that humans have no inherited instincts, abilities, or feelings. He declared that all humans are born as a “blank slate” and behavior is purely the result of social and cultural conditioning. Thus, we are all born with identical potentials to become anything. In other words, there is no such thing as “human nature.”

We now know that this is quite wrong: humans inherit, with their genes, very deeply programmed desires, feelings, and instincts. They cannot be “conditioned” out of existence. But the social sciences are still riddled with false notions. In consequence, we are under pressure to change our behaviors in ways that social theorists consider desirable. Often, these pressures cut across our savanna-bred natures, causing distress, unhappiness, and ultimately mental illness.

Social engineers wanted to believe that human behavior is “infinitely malleable.” If necessary, they faked scientific studies to fit their prejudices. The most celebrated case was that of Margaret Mead. An anthropological student of Franz Boas, Mead became famous for her doctoral research in 1925 that allegedly showed that Samoa is a paradise in which sex is unrestricted; where jealousy, rape, and adolescent adjustment problems are unknown. But none of it was true. Mead never learned the Samoan language and she interviewed only two schoolgirls who, only in their old age, admitted that they had deceived her for their own amusement. [3]. She wrote a book about her “research” entitled Coming of Age in Samoa. It became a best-seller and required reading as “a classic of universal truths” in university courses.

In the book, Mead claimed that adolescent behavior in humans could be explained only in terms of the social environment. Human nature, she declared, was “the rawest most undifferentiated of raw material.” It wasn’t until 70 years later, when anthropologist Derek Freeman unearthed the truth about Mead’s sloppy studies, that her theories were finally debunked.4 In the meantime, Western thinking—and societies—have been distorted for several generations. We now know that deep-seated urges and instincts underlie and direct human behavior.

Anthropologists and other researchers have studied the huge range of different cultures around the world. From these studies, they have teased out the characteristics that are common to all human cultures; they call them “human universal values.”[5]. In other words, they are features that are hardwired into human behavior and not affected by cultural conditioning. We will now examine the main features and show how the San shape up to these features, then we will see how they compare with common practice in our Western culture. This will throw into relief any discord with our savanna-bred natures.

Every normal human on this planet has fundamental feelings of pain, fear, happiness, and physical attraction. These are emotions that manipulate our bodies for basic survival and reproduction. Indeed, it is difficult to imagine how any

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species can survive if it does not have a similar impulse system to signal when, for example, to fight for vital space, to flee from danger, or to mate.

Hardwired Behavior
All creatures are born with a set of instructions wired into their brains, mostly simple “rules of thumb.” For example, a newborn duckling’s tiny brain is wired with the instruction, “Attach yourself to the first moving thing you see.” In nature, this would be the mother duck, so this works fine. However, if the emerging duckling first sees a balloon, it bonds with that instead. Psychobiologists call this process “imprinting.” This phenomenon is of the utmost importance in understanding how early experiences, if they are not what nature expects, can program our brain’s computer incorrectly. Not surprisingly, today our lifestyles often program modern infant brains inappropriately.

Humans’ hardwired instructions are the first level reflexes, which occur subconsciously. Typical examples are blinking, swallowing, and the knee-jerk. Others invoke emotions, which have an evolutionary and survival purpose—to make the brain give instructions to the body. A clear example is when a lion attacks. Our body’s sensors, chiefly the eyes and ears, send signals to the brain. The brain speeds up the heart and puts the muscles in overdrive. We feel this cascade of activity as fear. All this happens subconsciously—it is an automatic, hardwired reflex.

Antonio Damasio, a neuroscientist at the University of Iowa College of Medicine, specializes in finding out how the brain detects emotion and feeling. The brain is receiving billions of reports every second from every cell in the body. The brain then integrates these reports and we perceive the result as an emotion. [6].  “Background” emotions work at a subconscious level and only surface to our consciousness vaguely: we can feel “under the weather” or we can have an instinctive dislike of someone. “Primary” emotions are basic ones such as fear, sadness, and happiness. Yet another category concerns “social” emotions, which evolved to make us behave in appropriate ways in society and in personal relationships. They are genetically programmed feelings such as conscience, self-respect, remorse, empathy, shame, humility, dignity, rejection, humiliation, moral outrage, sorrow, mourning, and jealousy.

When we talk about “programming,” “hardwiring,” and “genetically programmed emotions,” where do these features come from? The answer, quite simply, is in our genes. In the words of evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins, genes “are the replicators and we are their survival machines.”[7]. Down through the eons, genes in bodies that failed to reproduce died out. We are all carriers of genes that succeeded in getting into the next generation—millions of times over. To do that, they had to make sure that the bodies they found themselves in were fit for survival. In this regard, we still inhabit bodies honed to perfection for successful gene transmission in the savannas of east Africa.

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Genes can aid their reproduction more subtly too, by helping copies of themselves that are in other bodies. They manipulate the body they are in to help other bodies survive if they are likely to contain copies of themselves. We perceived this manipulation as instincts, emotions, and feelings. Human mothers feel more like risking their lives to save their own baby than they do for an unknown person; it is a phenomenon that we call, quite naturally and innocently, maternal instinct.

Instincts, Emotions, and Feelings
Instincts, emotions, and feelings are the genes’ way of ensuring their self-preservation. There is a powerful lesson to be drawn: nature designed this mental life to work in forager groups in the African savanna. Our lives today are so far removed from these conditions that we are continuously stressed by emotional signals occurring in inappropriate ways.

For example, humans are programmed with instructions that say, “If you see tasty food, eat it until it is all gone.” This worked fine in our ancestral homeland as food was not abundant, was largely bland in flavor, and required work to obtain. Today, that hardwired instruction is self-defeating. Food is abundant, food companies are experts at making it appealing and tasty, and we have lost the link between obtaining food and the work required to get it. Our emotions are crying out “eat”!

Humans, as well as many other creatures, have mechanisms that can override the hardwiring. We can still choose to not eat even if the food is there, even if we are hungry or if the food is tasty. But this requires two things: the recognition that there is a good reason to override our instinct and the exercise of willpower to carry it out. This process is unpleasant and stressful.

The culture we grow up in provides the “reason” to override our instincts. It imposes a set of behavioral values that are commonly accepted by society, often strongly bound up with religious doctrines that have developed over centuries. Frequently, cultures impose behavioral patterns that are quite at variance with human nature. Taboo is from a Polynesian word (tapu) that means a prohibition imposed by social custom against a particular behavior. Humans seem to be hardwired to adopt taboos in general. However, the nature of the taboo can be whatever the culture programs into the brain circuits. For example, to Western culture, cannibalism is taboo, whereas it was common practice in many peoples from the Polynesians to the Aztecs. Taboo, and especially its breaking, arouse incredibly deep, visceral emotions. There are many taboos that seem to be common to all cultures; they are “human universal values.” An example is the taboo against incest, which is the result of imprinting, a device by which our genes maximize their survival into the next generation. Taboos that have arisen for this reason are good for well-being; most others are not necessarily so. We must, therefore, make fundamental distinctions among those

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notions that come to us because of our hardwiring, those imprinted at an early age, and those that are programmed into us as “ideas.”

Ideas and Indoctrination
Ideas float around in the environment waiting for a susceptible brain to colonize. We all carry a baggage of ideas, opinions, beliefs, and prejudices that have taken up residence in our minds, usually in a haphazard way. New ideas have to fight the current incumbents for a place to be heard. If they are successful, they in turn take up residence and modify our behavior. If these ideas are really successful, they multiply by getting us to tell other people about them. Richard Dawkins has likened the behavior of ideas to that of viruses. He even coined a name for them: mind-viruses or “memes.”[
8].

The Vienna-based founder of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud, had a remarkable nephew, Edward Bernays, whose family migrated to America when he was a baby. In 1919, Bernays opened a marketing agency in New York. He offered techniques using Freud’s psychological principles to “influence people to buy products they don’t need or want.” Bernays coined the term public relations for this technique. Bernays used these psycho-techniques with remarkable success; for example, in the 1920s, to persuade women that it is acceptable to smoke in public. His delighted client, the American Tobacco Company, saw cigarette sales soar. Bernays “engineered” public opinion in many other celebrated cases, including the idea that bacon is a breakfast food.

We have all been indoctrinated from the earliest age: by our family, schools, health professionals, sociologists, our cultural belief system, and much else. In matters to do with food, for example, we are under constant, sophisticated, and persuasive assault by the food industry. For generations, they have provided, free of charge, attractive yet self-serving propaganda in the form of educational materials to schools. They take charge of food supplies in schools, hospitals, and other institutions. Various lobbies, including dairy, snack-food, sugar, fast-food, processed food, and cattlemen, deploy the most sophisticated psychological techniques to seduce us into buying their products.

We have the challenge of understanding how our minds are being manipulated. When we have done that, then we have the next mental challenge— changing our habits.

LIVING ARRANGEMENTS
We have to remind ourselves that the way we live today is light years away from our naturally adapted pattern in the tropics of east Africa. Our ancient ancestors (and forager tribes like the San) slept according to the rhythms of light and dark. In the tropics, whatever the season, dusk comes around 6
P.M. and dawn around 6 a.m. For a few hours after dusk, the San huddle around the campfire talking

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quietly and doing tasks by the firelight. Sleep would come around 9:30 P.M. and they would wake up with the sun.

The creatures from whom we are descended, Homo erectus, discovered fire at least one million years ago. We can imagine the nights with strange unknown rustlings in the dark; the campfire must have been a great comfort. We all feel, even today, the fascination of a fire: gazing reflectively into the flames is a pleasure deeply anchored in our psyches. Campfires constitute a flickering island of reassurance going back to the beginning of human existence. This is our naturally adapted prelude to sleep.

Up until the beginning of the 20th century, populations, even in the West, did not have the luxury of much light after dark. They just had flickering whale-oil lamps and beef-fat candles; people still followed ancient ancestral sleep rhythms. Since 1900, light at night gradually became more common, first with gas lighting and then with electric light. The net result is that we do not prepare our brains for sleep in the way nature envisaged. Today, the average American sleeps two hours fewer than in the 1960s. He or she certainly sleeps less—and less well—than the ideal for which our naturally adapted sleeping pattern has programmed us. Some of the consequences are predictable: loss of concentration, lowered resistance to stress, and a depressed immune system. An unexpected consequence is that sleep deprivation reduces appetite-suppressing hormones such as leptin and it increases hunger-inducing hormones such as ghrelin—the less we sleep, the more we overeat 

Sunlight as Human Food
In contrast to too much light at night, we are not getting enough sunlight by day. Our African Pleistocene ancestors spent all their time unclothed and out-of-doors. With the spread of humanity to all parts of the globe, it is indicative that human skins have adapted to soak up sunlight more easily the more people distanced themselves from the tropics.

Years ago, we never used to worry about how much sun we got. Parents would even urge their children to play outside and “make some vitamin D.” This was a key insight: sunlight is an essential piece of nutrition for humans. The scares over sunburn-induced skin cancers have caused a hysterical overreaction. The modern denial of sunshine has led to a surge of diseases that are connected to sunlight deficiency, including cancers, rickets, and depression.  

Cancer researcher E.M. John found that cancers are much more prevalent in the northern cities of the U.S. than in the southern rural states. In particular, the risk of breast cancer is increased by three times. [9]. Researcher William Grant estimates the yearly toll from cancers caused by lack of sunshine at 100,000 cases and 40,000 deaths; this is four times the mortality from skin cancer. [10]. The vitamin D deficiency disease, rickets, thought to be vanquished long ago, is resurging in cities. We all need to get adequate sunshine; just be sensible and avoid burning.

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Population Density
Pleistocene humans had a very low population density. While 50 persons comprising a band of foragers lived in close proximity to each other, the nearest neighboring band would be 20 to 30 miles away. At various times of the year, groups would meet up for a festival. It was the occasion to find mates, trade artifacts, overeat, and have a good time. Even so, those humans did not meet more than a few hundred different people in a lifetime. There is no doubt that, in the wandering band of 50 or so people, life could seem dull compared to the excitement of the festival. Today, the excitement, anonymity, and opportunities of living in crowded cities operates on our minds like a recreational drug. Is there a downside to living in such crowding?

Researcher John Calhoun published a pioneering animal study 40 years ago and found that crowded female rats had low fertility rates and high rates of miscarriage and death in childbirth; they also had poor nesting and poor parenting behaviors. Male rats had high rates of sexual deviation, homosexuality, aggression, violence, cannibalism, pathological depression, and withdrawal. There were high rates of social disorientation, infanticide, and infant mortality. Calhoun finished his report with the observation that we might advance our understanding “about analogous problems confronting the human species.” [11].

Does this have the ring of truth to it? Today’s high population densities have put us on a treadmill requiring industrialized, intensive forms of society. Many of us are worn down by congestion, crowds, and lack of time to even think. We dream of lives in closer contact with natural surroundings. There is no doubt that our mentalities are best adapted to much lower population densities.

TERRITORIALITY
Human beings have evolved, over a very long time, to live in bands of 40 to 50 people. All band members are close relatives by marriage or birth—in other words, each band forms one extended family. This was the pattern for millions of years of human evolutionary history, with the extended family as the basic survival unit. It is only in the last few thousand years that we have broken with this deeply programmed existence.

Each band had its vital space or territory of some 200 square miles. We use the term vital space deliberately: this territory provided everything vital for survival, especially food. But it was also the land where their gods, heroes, and spirits dwelt, where their dearest dead were laid. Even though they were nomadic within this territory, every nook and cranny of it was familiar to them—it was “theirs” and the feeling of ownership is desperately important. In contrast, should they venture onto adjacent territory, they would feel uncomfortable and out of place because they were trespassers. The band had to hang together for survival and to protect their vital space from adjacent bands. This pattern of existence has molded deep characteristics into the human psyche.

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In particular, band members strongly identify with, and give their loyalty to, their own band. In other words, humans have a strong genetic predisposition to identify with their own “in-group” and to be suspicious of “out-groups.” The need to have a feeling of “belonging” to a group is a human universal value.

In-Group, Out-Group
A stranger (by definition, from an “out-group”) is a threat. If a stranger is on your territory, he is probably up to no good. He might be out to capture a mate, steal honey, or take murderous revenge in a long-running vendetta. Primal societies around the world demonstrate a similar mistrust of strangers. Jared Diamond describes in
Guns, Germs, and Steel how when New Guinea tribesmen meet, they strive to discover “some reason why the two should not attempt to kill each other.” [12]. In Polynesia, two strangers recited their memorized genealogies in order to find a common ancestor. [13]. The San Bushmen would stop 40 feet from a stranger, both sides would lay down their arms, and then they would approach each other with caution to find common purpose. [14]. Of course, often the stranger was not well-intentioned and a battle would ensue.

Genes, Relationships, and Conflict
The biologist Robert Trivers derived an elegant explanation of the way human relationships operate. It explains how we feel toward our parents and children, siblings, lovers and friends, and in-group and out-groups. [
15]. The answer lies in our genes.  

We all possess genes that work to help copies of themselves lying in other bodies. Of course, we cannot know precisely which bodies contain copies of our genes. Trivers insight was to see that creatures help other members of their species in proportion to their degree of relatedness. In this way, a child gets 50% of his or her genes from the mother and 50% from the father. A mother has 50% of her genes in each child, and 25% with each grandchild. By the same token, a child shares 50% of his or her genes with siblings and 25% with maternal aunts and uncles.

In the forager society, everyone was related to one another in some way, so there would be “gene pressure” to help and cooperate with each other and to refrain from feuding with and killing each other. [16]. Even in modern societies, the more closely people are genetically related, the more likely they are to come to one another’s aid, especially in life-or-death situations—”blood is thicker than water.” Genetic relatedness feeds directly into in-group/out-group conflict: such conflicts are really battles between gene groups manipulating their host bodies for supremacy in the struggle for life.


 
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 Humans are not the only creatures to be hostile to out-group members. Male chimpanzees patrol the borders of their territory, and if they find a strange male, they kill him. [17]. According to Frans de Waal, a leading authority on the social intelligence of apes, “Sometimes a small group of chimpanzee males stealthily enters a neighboring territory to overwhelm a single male that they viciously beat and leave to die.” [18]. Likewise, if a lone chimpanzee becomes aware of out-group males intruding on his territory, he becomes worried and his hair stands on end. [19].

Buried in these accounts is the assumption that out-group hostility is a male phenomenon. However, females had every reason to fear strangers too: they could be raped, abducted, or murdered, and the same fate could happen to their children. Women who allowed that to happen did not pass on their genes to the next generation. Women who survived are therefore those programmed with successful survival responses.

A landmark study led by Shelley Taylor shows that women respond to extreme danger with a cascade of brain chemicals, including one called oxytocin. These hormones drive women to tend children and gather with other women. Dr. Taylor dubs this the “tend and befriend” response. [20]. This is in opposition to the men’s “fight-or-flight” response. It is interesting to reflect that, in an emergency on the African savanna, the women were programmed to round up the kids and get everyone into a huddle, while the men, pumped up on testosterone and adrenaline, battled off the danger.

We all, therefore, are deeply programmed to mistrust strangers. However, with the rise of farming and the concentration of multitudes of humans into cities, how is this mistrust managed? In the words of Jared Diamond, “People had to learn, for the first time in history, how to encounter strangers regularly without attempting to kill them.” [21]. Every person in the world has to learn how to manage relationships with strangers. This is a process of indoctrination designed to paper a veneer of “civilized” behavior over innate, mistrustful insecurities. Society manages this at two levels: as individuals, we are taught to suppress our natural tendencies and become self-effacing. We avoid eye contact, we stoop our shoulders, we look at the ground, we scurry along with small steps, we avoid confrontation, we are taught “courtesy” and polite manners. At the level of the state—through institutions such as the police, military, and the legal system—it alone enacts laws and it is the final arbiter in the settlement of disputes. Social idealists add a third pressure: the theory that humans ought to want to live in “diverse” communities.

Here we see a number of divergences from our naturally adapted instincts. Our human natures are telling us that we are most comfortable when we are living and working with people “like us”; that we need to “belong” to a group, give it our loyalty, and reject outsiders; that we should take personal responsibility for protecting our in-group, and its territory, from out-groups; and that

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males have different reactions to females when danger threatens. However, all these deep instincts are frustrated by modern living arrangements.

From these insights, we can predict that multicultural societies are likely to be more neurotic and stressful. By suppressing, even denigrating, normal roles for male aggression, societies will suffer increased levels of unorthodox activity: violence, hooliganism, gang warfare, and criminality. The frontier defenses of Western countries, protected with razor wire, harsh deserts, and armed patrols, are an open invitation to a Third-World youth to test his mettle. It is normal for the defenders to feel viscerally opposed to the invasion of their in-group territory by such outsiders.

We have given the impression that each forager band operates in hostile isolation from its neighbors, but this is not entirely true. Neighboring bands also needed to cooperate at many levels. Wives would almost always be brought in from an out-group. Potential husbands from one group had to visit the other group to find mates and negotiate terms. There would be exchanges of gifts and other obligations. Everyone thus had uncles, aunts, cousins, and other family members in nearby bands whom they would visit on occasion. In extreme situations, such as those of the San who live in a particularly hostile natural environment, bands contracted understandings for emergency access to resources, notably water, in times of distress.

The “natural” size of an in-group is therefore the extended family as denoted by the forager band. With the rise of agriculture and the concentration of populations into larger units such as towns and cities, the size of the in-group had to increase. This was not always easy—somehow people had to sink their differences and invest their loyalty into a grouping that included other extended families. The rise of a charismatic leader who inspired everyone’s loyalty was part of the answer. Another part of the answer is provided by the need to cooperate to fight off an external threat.

As George Washington said to his fractious and jealous state-loyal armies, “Either we hang together or we shall surely hang apart.” The Normans welded together the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of England by deploying another, long-term strategy—that of instilling a sense of national patriotism. They used the tools of pageantry, flags and foreign wars. In this way, one of the earliest nation states was born. It grouped together peoples who had the same language, culture, and religion and gave them a national identity. This, it seems, is about as good as it gets.

Political entities that group together peoples of different languages, religions, or sharp cultural differences are inherently unstable. We see this all over the modern world. Yugoslavia and Somalia broke up in bloody conflict. Rwanda, Congo, and Sudan suffered genocidal massacres of one ethnic community by another. In yet others, low-level conflict continues like a running sore: India (religious conflict), Sri Lanka (out-group Tamil settlers against indigenous peoples),

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Chechnya (indigenous peoples against out-group Russian occupiers), Northern Ireland (indigenous Irish against out-group occupiers), Spain (Indigenous Basques against out-group occupiers), and Palestine/Israel (indigenous people against out-group occupiers). We draw the uncomfortable conclusion that the notion of a multicultural society is a contradiction in terms.

Warfare
“The story of the human race is war. Except for brief and precarious interludes there has never been peace in the world; and long before history began, murderous strife was universal and unending.”
—WINSTON CHURCHILL

At the time Churchill wrote that (1925), the world was still reeling from the carnage of World War I. It had been so traumatic that politicians (but not Churchill) billed it as “the war to end all wars.” Churchill had a layman’s pragmatic and unromantic opinion of human nature. Meanwhile, the experts—social anthropologists— were turning their misty eyes to the ideal of the Noble Savage. They thought that warfare was the result of bad upbringing.

So, is there any truth in the idea that humans are naturally warlike? We have the archaeological remains of Stone Age battlefields and everywhere we look are signs of humans killing humans in murderous conflicts. The American anthropologist Napoleon Chagnon extensively studied the Yanomamo, a tribe of the Amazon rainforest, for over 30 years and he estimated that 30% of males died violent deaths from warfare.

Our model forager tribe, the San, frequently warred with neighboring groups: they had a murder rate greater than America’s inner cities. In one account, one band avenged a killing by sneaking into the killer’s camp and murdering every man, woman, and child as they slept. [22]. The Australian Aborigines had a similar pattern—jealousies, vendettas, and revenge killings were frequent features of aboriginal life. Neighboring camps would be raided and bitter fights would be fought to the death. American anthropologist W. Lloyd Warner lived among the Aborigines of Arnhem Land from 1909 to 1929. He estimated that 200 men died in organized warfare during that period. [23]. The total population was only 3,000, so this was a colossal rate of casualties.

Archaeologist Lawrence Keeley has summarized the proportion of male deaths caused by war, even today, in a number of primal societies. [24]. The proudly independent Jivaro tribe in Peru is notorious for their use of poison-dart blow-pipes and head-hunting. Keeley estimates that some 60% of Jivaro males die in battle. Half a world away, the Mae Enga of the New Guinea highlands lose 35% of males in murderous conflicts. In contrast, European and American male battlefield deaths in the 20th century (which included two world wars) averaged less than 1% per year.

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It seems, then, that for most of human evolutionary history, human males have been involved in bloody conflict. There are a few other species that also do this—chimpanzees, gorillas, and wolves are examples. A common thread is this: the killing is of “them,” the out-group. The fact that there are indeed other species that seek to exterminate their own kind, albeit from an out-group, forces us to recognize the possibility that this trait is, in some way, evolutionarily advantageous. Richard Wrangham, professor of anthropology at Harvard University, says that evolution favored humans and chimps who warred because “this makes grisly sense in terms of natural selection.” Successful males, the ones that survive, enjoy high status among other males. High-status males are strongly attractive to females and have more matings, so they generate more offspring. The genes sitting in successful warriors become more common, while the genes in wimps don’t get into the next generation in the same numbers. We are all descended, on average, from males who were better-than-average murderous warriors.

A second consequence of early male death in battle is highly important yet little remarked: adult males were in a minority. Females sometimes outnumbered them by two to one. Most men had at least one “wife” and many had two or more. There was competition among women to “get a man.” Warfare, then, was a way for males to get rid of some of the competition. Genes in males who promoted warfare and who were successful warriors spread throughout the population.

We cannot hope to deal with modern conflict if we do not recognize the hardwiring in young males that drives them to risky activities and violence. Of course, the violence is only a means to an end. It leads to high status, which is an important staging post on the way to the end. However, the only end that counts is getting the genes into the next generation.

WORKING PATTERNS
In chapter 1, we talked about “women’s work” and “men’s work.” The women would go off in a group with the small children on their backs and forage for food. For safety, they stayed within “hailing distance.” To do this, they kept up a steady chatter. If they sensed silence, they got uneasy and tried to reestablish verbal contact. The women were foraging in a largely cooperative way; they would be giving constant advice to each other. They would call each other over if they found a particularly rich resource. They had a fine eye for the little signs of food and a delicacy in harvesting it. The women moved in a group, slowly and along familiar paths. They decided where to go and knew the way back.

The men, meanwhile, would go off in ones and twos on their hunting trips. Stealth was of the essence and so talking was kept to a strict minimum, just enough to convey facts about their quarry. Often, communication was simple signs. The men would follow prey along all kinds of unpredictable paths. The prey decided “where to go” and the men had to somehow keep track of where they were.

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Laurens van der Post describes how he followed a band of Bushmen while they chased an eland for several days: “The trail twisted and turned so much that I had no idea where we were or in which direction our camp lay. But Nxou [chief hunter] and his companions had no doubt. That was one of the many impressive things about them. They were always centered. They knew, without conscious effort, where their home was, as we have seen proved on many other more than baffling occasions.” [25]. He should not have been so surprised. Many studies have shown that men today still have remarkable powers of “way-finding” compared to women. [26].

The men had a fine eye for the signs of suitable quarry—they were expert trackers. When they hunted down a quarry, the result was brutal: it was bludgeoned or stabbed to death. The spoils were hacked up as necessary and carried back to the camp. The men’s occupation was largely competitive and their status with other males depended on their success.

When there was the chance of a really big kill, like a one-ton eland or a giraffe, all the men would go off in a hunting party. They might even team up with men from an adjacent band, especially if the quarry was roaming over both territories. In this case, the men would temporarily settle their differences in the interests of the wider objective. In either case, there were complex rules about who got credit for a kill and who received what portion of it afterwards.

On return to the camp, each hunter would distribute the spoils in a particular way: his wives and children received the largest part and other portions were distributed to more remote relatives and people who were owed debts. The actual details might vary with circumstance and from tribe to tribe. However, there is one aspect that is a human universal value and of fundamental importance: wives, and sometimes other recipients, would receive more than they could consume, so they would have a surplus they could use to endow gifts and return favors. The wives and the rest of the man’s entourage would therefore derive status from the exploits of “their” man.

The women could easily collect enough food to feed the whole family. However, a woman is vulnerable to someone stealing that food. Higher-status women and other men were lying in wait to bully and browbeat that woman out of her hard-won resources. The reason that this rarely happened is simple: she had “her man” who would protect her against any aggression. In chapter 1, we asked “Why would a woman need a man?” Here, we have most of the answer: without a man committed to her physical protection, the chances that she and her children would survive were reduced. On average, women who were not driven to seek a male bodyguard were less likely to get their genes into the next generation.